Sing a song of SingTel
April 5, 2001
The architect of the bid for Optus knows he has some explaining to do, Eric Ellis reports from Singapore
SINGAPORE Telecommunications chief
executive Lee Hsien Yang is in Sydney this week on a mission - to convince
corporate Australia that what it needs is a good dose of Singaporean-style
business culture.
The company he runs has made one of
the biggest ever takeover bids in Australian history, a $17 billion offer for
telecoms giant Optus Communications.
But investors require convincing that
it's a good idea. Since the bid was announced last week, they've shaved $8
billion from the combined value of SingTel and Optus shares. Shares of Singtel,
78 per cent owned by the Singapore Government, have fallen to a record low. If
SingTel buys Optus, those shares will be listed in Australia.
So, today, Lee will explain his
complex offer and address rising disquiet that Singapore Inc operates in a very
different way to corporate Australia.
It could be a tough job selling
Singapore-style capitalism in Australia.
Its view of Asia - particularly after the recent financial crisis - is sceptical,
to say the least.
And Optus is Lee's third attempt in a
year to secure a big regional asset after Malaysia and China kept SingTel out of
their telecoms markets because of concerns about its government links. After
rejections in Beijing and Kuala Lumpur, why should Australia be any different?
The Singtel posse will claim that
Singapore adopts the "world's best practices" of corporate disclosure
and that the city state's business community is as open as the best. They might
also offer that theirs is a culture that works: tiny Singapore is one of the
world's richest countries.
True, alongside its opaque ASEAN
neighbours, Singapore is a paragon of corporate virtue. It survived the Asian
financial crisis battered but intact and is now rebranding itself as the
"Wired Island" of e-opportunity. But Singapore still has some way to
go before it attains even Australian-style business procedures, let alone
world's best practices.
Singapore's very different style
starts at Lee's own family, headed by his father, the widely respected
phiIosopher-king Lee Kuan Yew. For most of the past 40 years, Lee Kuan Yew has
headed a virtual one-party state. Today, he's the "Senior Minister"
who also chairs the state investment company, which manages the national wealth.
His family are high achievers,
indeed. The elder of his two sons, Lee Hsien Loong, is deputy prime minister and
runs Singapore's de facto central bank.
His younger son, Lee Hsien Yang, runs
partly privatised SingTel, in competition to StarHub, Singapore's second
carrier, which is chaired by his sister-in-law, Ho Ching. She also runs the
country's biggest technology company, which has major interests in leading
property and finance companies. Lee Kuan Yew's wife, Kwa Geok Choo, and his
youngest daughter-in-law, Hsien Yang's wife Lim Suet Fern, are successful
corporate lawyers.
This litany of achievement doesn't
mention Lee Kuan Yew's two brothers, one of whom was a director of one of
Singapore's biggest banks, while the other was a shareholder in one of the
country's biggest stockbrokers - in turn controlled by the company chaired by
his nephew's wife, Ho Ching.
They do things differently in
corporate Singapore. Take last year's prospectus of SPH AsiaOne, the internet
division of the country's print media near-monopoly, Singapore Press Holdings,
as a study in Singapore-style transparency and corporate practice.
The prospectus's 208 bound pages
carry the imprimatur of blue-chip names like Citibank, ING Barings and Ernst and
Young. It's an official document filed into a legal system held out as Asia's
most reliable.
SingTel's chairman Koh Boon Hwee, a
man integral to the Optus bid, is an AsiaOne director. Page 94 of the prospectus
documents his business record. It is so extensive that it spills over two pages.
Koh is listed as holding some 46 current directorship, 47 if you add AsiaOne.
Some 71 boards are listed as "past directorships". And this doesn't
include bodies such as the Singapore-US Business Council which he sits on, or
the various cultural bodies.
University of London educated and a
Harvard MBA, 50-year-old Koh is one of Singapore's quintessential safe pairs of
hands. At SingTel, he provides the gravitas still lacking in the younger Lee. In
company press briefings, Koh sometimes takes over from Lee in explaining the
finer points of high finance.
Koh rose as the managing director of
Hewlett-Packard Singapore. HP's status in Singapore illustrates the very essence
of this dynamic economy - a comfortable, reliable place for multinationals to
transact business in an unstable region. To HP, Singapore delivers Asia as Asia
Lite, and HP reciprocates with a massive investment.
(Local cabbies are more likely to
know the location of HP's Singapore head office than that of Parliament. That
explains the position of politics in the local philosophy but it better explains
Singapore's economy. When people like John Howard talk about preventing
Australia becoming a branch office economy, it is supra-national relationships
like that between Singapore and HP they might be thinking of.)
Corporate governance is a subject
close to the urbane Koh. He also chairs Singapore's government-appointed
Corporate Governance Committee, a body convened to make Singapore a better place
for business.
Koh is a busy businessman, but if
you've got the energy in Singapore you can sit on as many boards as you like.
Singaporeans know that, because Koh's Corporate Governance Committee recommended
in November last year against any upper limit on directorships for - as
Singapore's Straits Times described it - "the simple reason that different
people have different capacities".
Did Koh, as a beneficiary of that recommendation, distance himself from that decision, as is the accepted practice in Australia? Koh did not comment on that, but he did say that Singapore's system is equal to that of Australia.
ANOTHER AsiaOne director is Tjong Yik
Min, president of Singapore Press Holdings, which publishes 11 out of
Singapore's 12 newspapers, led by the pro-government Straits Times. (The other
paper is published by the state-owned television broadcaster).
(SPH, SingTel and Singapore Airlines
are three pillars of Singapore Inc, and people such as Tjong and Koh form part
of an elite power nexus, in which the companies and their offshoots share common
directors. It is also common in Singapore for serving government officials to be
directors of public companies.)
The career of Tjong, 47, rates a
paragraph in the prospectus, with a CV outlining a life spent mostly in the
public service. He was a systems engineer in the Defence Ministry in 1976 and in
1993 became permanent secretary of the Communications Ministry, which regulates
telecoms.
But the prospectus omits crucial
information about Tjong's career that prospective shareholders might've
considered germane.
It doesn't say that from 1986-1993 he
was the director of Singapore's secret police, the Internal Security Department.
As director he led a sinister 1987 crackdown called Operation Spectrum, which
targeted church and social workers suspected by the Government of being involved
in an unproven "Marxist conspiracy" against it. Tjong's ISD detained
22 people without trial, some for up to two years. He received the public
administration medal in 1988 "in recognition of his public service".
Like Koh, Tjong is a director of
Singapore Airlines (SIA) - while the prospectus also notes that he is a director
of Singapore's Civil Aviation Authority.
Transparency issues dog SIA after the Taipei crash last year that killed 82
people, including many non-Singaporeans. Aggrieved relatives won't find any
information about it on SIA's website.
But corporate governance and
transparency are the buzzwords du jour in Singapore's instinctively guarded
business community. This clubby society, often discomfited by criticism of its
inner workings, has been told by the Government to smarten itself up, and this
week Singapore hosted a region-wide conference on corporate governance.
THE message is still to fully sink
in. Corporate Singapore doesn't employ too many investor or press relations
officers, because it has never really needed to. Readers don't see much in the
quasi-official press that challenges the status quo. The few press officials who
do operate often go "off the record" to whisper "no
comment".
A questioning local media culture doesn't exist in Singapore - unless directed at government opponents - because the media has been subjugated to Singapore's heady notion of nation-building. Investigative reporting is discouraged, and efforts by the foreign media to critically report Singapore have led to the gazetting of publications like the Asian Wall Street Journal, Time and the Far Eastern Economic Review, often combined with crippling lawsuits and restricted circulation and advertising.
MANY are the subjects deemed
off-limits in Singapore, among them the extent of the Lee family's business
interests and the investments of the secretive Government Investment
Corporation, which he chairs. And any attempt to examine such topics invites, if
you are Singaporean, exclusion from the national gravy train - or, if you are a
foreigner, expulsion.
SingTel corporate communications officer Ivan Tan cited recent surveys conducted
by Singapore's Business Times newspaper which praised the company's high level
of disclosure. Business Times is owned by Singapore Press Holdings.
A Business Times journalist covering
the transparency beat recently wrote to me in an e-mail that "in Singapore
there is a lot of encouraging things being said in public but when it comes down
to it the execution falls somewhat short. One could say that the rhetoric and
public noises are promising, but the practice smacks of `going through the
motions'. That said, things are moving in the right direction."
Banks and brokers have been slow to
fill the breach. Rare is a corporate stoush where cranky shareholders call
errant directors to task. Singaporeans like to think that's because they operate
such a squeaky-clean system, and generally they do. But it is also true that
institutions keep their collective head down lest they be excluded from valuable
business in one of Asia's more government-controlled economies.
Flavia Cheong, Aberdeen Asset
Management fund manager, says Singapore's standards are a lot better than they
were. "It got a wake-up call after the financial crisis. It realised that
international investors didn't have to invest in Asia if they didn't think it
was safe to do so."
Cheong says Singapore has a lot to learn from Australian corporate practices, and she sees the SingTel bid for Optus as much more than a takeover. It's more like part of a national experiment to see if Singapore can embrace the rigours of globalisation. "They are still learning about transparency and how to cut it outside Singapore," Cheong says. "It will be very interesting to see how they adapt to Australia's rather more robust standards."
Eric Ellis is a
Singapore-based columnist for BusinessWeek and Time.